Report: Disturbances in British Guiana in February 1962

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Report: Disturbances in British Guiana in February 1962

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Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the
Disturbances in British Guiana in February 1962

Edited by
Odeen Ishmael

[Notes by Editor in the text are indicated by double asterisks (**)]

GNI Publications
2003

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PART II
MEMORANDUM BY THE GOVERNMENT ON THE BACKGROUND TO THE
FEBRUARY 1962 DISTURBANCES
In 1956, Mr. McGale, an expert from the I.L.O conducted a survey on unemployment and
underemployment in British Guiana. He concluded that there were 18 percent of the labour force unemployed and
noted that if there were no opportunities for employment, other than 7,000 new jobs arising from planned
development, there could be by 1966 up to three times the number who were unemployed in 1956. This Report also
disclosed that about 41 percent of the unemployed was concentrated in the urban areas. This distribution of the
unemployed between town and country tended to aggravate tensions between the predominantly African urban
population and the predominantly Indian rural population, especially since in the short-term period development was
perforce heavily concentrated on the agricultural and communication sectors (rather than on, say, industrialisation)
which political leaders in the opposition criticised as a deliberate attempt to help Government supporters in the rural
areas. (See also paragraph 25 below).
2. After the Elections in August 1957, elected Members of the Government stated publicly on several
occasions both here and abroad that if the social and economic problems affecting the people of the country were not
solved, an explosion would eventually occur. For example, this opinion was expressed and emphasised at a
conference held in London in the summer of 1958 with the Colonial Office. (Representing British Guiana were the
then Governor, Sir Patrick Renison, Financial Secretary, Mr. F.W. Essex, Minister of Trade and Industry, Dr. Jagan,
and Minister of Natural Resources, Mr. Edward Beharry). Because of the economic and consequential problems
existing in the country, Dr. Jagan suggested that the old $91 million 1954-1960 Development Programme should he
revised and expanded to $200 million, but his proposal was rejected. Instead it was decided that the Plan should be
reviewed in the summer of the following year (1959).
3. Efforts to obtain development finance from other sources were made and the Swiss Bank in London
indicated that they would he prepared to lend the British Guiana Government under a United Kingdom Government
guarantee a sum amounting 6 million pounds Sterling. The United Kingdom Government, however, stated that it
was not in keeping with its policy to guarantee such loans. Following upon this refusal, Dr. Jagan sought permission
of the British Government to make a direct approach for a loan to the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (World Bank). This request was approved and a preliminary application was prepared at the Colonial
Office end forwarded to the World Bank.
4. Dr. Jagan and Mr. Beharry (at the time Ministers of Trade and Industry and of Natural Resources
respectively) then proceeded from London to Washington and had discussions with officials of the World Bank and
U.S. Government agencies . the Development Loan Fund ((D.L.F.), the Export/Import Bank, International
Cooperation Administration (I.C.A.), etc. Previous to this visit, an application was made in early 1958 to the D.L.F.
for economic assistance amounting to US$34 million for water control and road construction projects. Discussions
of this application did not bear any fruit. The Controllers of the Fund expressed the view that the amounts involved
were too large, but did not give any indication what sum was likely to be obtained and to what extent the application
was to be modified. Discussions with the other agencies were equally fruitless.
5.Towards the end of 1958, an Economist from the World Bank, Mr. John Adler, visited British Guiana and
in a confidential report suggested that any new Five-Year Development Programme was likely to be within $110
million to $125 million (B.W.I). On the eve of his departure from British Guiana, he said:

98
.I have been informed about the Government’s tentative Development Plan for the next five- year period.
It would be presumptuous for me to comment on the programme in detail but from what I have seen it is
clear to me that the top priorities have been correctly selected. There is no question in my mind that the
provision of more agricultural land through drainage and irrigation and the improvement and expansion of
the transportation system, particularly through better and more e roads, deserve top billing..
6. In early 1959, U.S. Government Officials from the State Department also visited British Guiana.
Discussions on the Government’s application for economic assistance were again held but no definite commitment
was made.
7. In the summer of 1959 the present Five-Year 1960-1964 $110 million Development Programme was
approved in London. The Programme was limited to $110 million on the advice of Mr. Berrill, a Cambridge
Economist, who had come to British Guiana as an Adviser to the Government in early 1959. Mr. Berrill argued that
at the then prevailing rate of interest (6 percent) British Guiana could not afford a bigger Programme and were it to
embark on a larger Programme it would run into serious financial difficulties as too large a proportion of its
recurrent budget would have to be devoted to the payment of debt charges (See Appendix 1). The elected Members
of the Government did not share Mr. Berrill assumptions about the rate. of economic growth for the future and
projections of revenues and debt burden in the long-term(15-20 years) period. The Colonial Office admitted that the
British Guiana Government needed a larger Development Programme to cope with its present social and economic
problems, but expressed the view that neither was the British Government in a position to loan more than the sum of
8 million pounds Sterling (of which 4 million pounds was approved and 4 million pounds was be considered later)
nor was British Guiana in a position to finance a bigger programme.
8. Dr. Jagan argued for a bigger Development Programme on the basis of a lower rate of Interest. He was
told that the British Government could not reduce this rate because of an Act of Parliament which determined the
rate of interest on Treasury loans.
9. Dr. Jagan again visited Washington in the summer of 1959 and held talks with officials of the World
Bank and U.S. Government Agencies. At a meeting with State Department officials he was told that a sum of about
US$6 million to US$8 million would be made available to the British Guiana Government towards the cost of the
construction of an interior road from Parika to Lethem. This did not in fact materialise. A request was also made to
the Commodities Division Office of International Resources in the State Department in order that the country’s
imports of flour and stock-feed from the US (US$3.5 million per annum) may be given under United States Public
Law 480 so that the proceeds of the sale could be used for development projects. This request was turned down, It
was explained that any assistance under the law must be over and above the existing value of imports. An approach
was made to the Export Credit Corporation for these imports to be supplied on credit but this was also turned down
on the ground that it cannot be justified since British Guiana had no currency difficulty to overcome. The
Export/Import Bank was sounded out
for help in financing equipment for a flour mill and a feed-mill. The response was not encouraging. The answer
given was that congressional interests and U.S. flour millers were likely to be critical of such assistance.
10. At one stage a US official in British Guiana indicated that economic assistance might be forthcoming
for the Tapacuma Drainage and Irrigation Project. Later, when the Project Report was ready Government was
informed that assistance for this Project was not likely to be forthcoming because of possible congressional
objections to a scheme which would be solely devoted to the cultivation of rice of which the U.S. has a large
surplus.
11. An application to the Export/Import Bank in June 1961 for rice milling equipment . cleaning, drying
and storage . amounting to about $2 million (B.W.I.) has not yet been considered.
12. In 1959 together with the then Financial Secretary, Mr. F. W. Essex, Dr. Jagan visited the Federal
Republic of Germany and held discussions there for economic assistance. In Italy discussions were held at about the

99
same time for economic assistance for the taking over of the Demerara Electric Company, now termed the B.G.
Electricity Corporation. A small World Bank loan of $2.25 million (B.W.I.) was approved in 1961. This was,
however, to be used only for credit to private individuals and cooperative societies for the purchase of equipment
and implements for agricultural, forestry and fishery development.
13. In the latter part of 1961 Dr. Jagan and the Minister of Trade and Industry visited Canada and the
United States in search of economic aid. At about the same time the Minister of Natural Resources visited Germany,
Italy and France for the same purpose.
14. Unfortunately, little besides technical assistance has materialised out of the Government’s efforts to
secure aid abroad.
One tangible offer of assistance was made. In the summer of 1960, the Cuban Government proposed a loan
to the British Guiana Government of an initial sum of US$5 million (at a rate of interest of 2 percent repayable in
ten years in the form of timber products) to finance the establishment of an industrial timber project. The Cuban
Government was also prepared to finance the external costs (cement, generating equipment, etc.) of a hydro-electric
project estimated to cost about $32 million (B.W.I.). There was resistance to these offers for political reasons from
various quarters including the former General Secretary of the Trades Union Council (TUC). The British
Government was of the view that such offers should be examined minutely and promised to pursue the matter with
the Cuban Government. Unfortunately nothing more has been heard of this from the Colonial Office.
The amount of technical, as distinct from financial, assistance received from abroad, especially from the
United Nations, is, however quite impressive. It included UN special fund assistance for a bar siltation project, a soil
survey, an aerial magnatometer (geophysical) survey and a land development pre- investment survey. Each of these
projects involved expenditure of UN funds exceeding BWI$340,000. In addition, technical assistance in a wide field
was received, e.g., in petroleum exploration, industrialisation, fiscal and financial policy, statistics, marketing, forest
inventory, water resources (including hydro-electricity development, public administration and economic planning.
Technical assistance in the field of social assistance, education and mineral resources development have also been
approved.
Contractor Finance:
15. Having failed to obtain enough direct loans to finance the Development Programme, Government
through the previous Minister of Trade and Industry (Dr. Jagan) sought to obtain assistance in the form of
“contractor finance”. This attempt was successful to a certain degree. A Consortium made up of Associated
Electrical Industries, Taylor Woodrow and International Combustion Company is financing the take-over and
expansion of the Electricity Corporation. The Grupo Del Conte, a Venezuelan firm, is now engaged in the
construction of a road from Parika to Makouria on the right bank of the Essequibo River as a result of a “contractor
finance” arrangement with the Company.
Attempts to block assistance to Government:
16. While the Government was seeking to raise loans from abroad, attempts were and still being made to
prevent such assistance being give. It has come to the knowledge of the Government that attempts have been made
by persons close to the United Force to persuade the Grupo Del Conte not to undertake to finance any project here
and to influence the World Bank not to grant any loans to the Credit Corporation. More recently, newspaper reports
have indicated that Mr. L.F.S. Burnham, Q.C., the leader of the PNC, during his last visit to the US, some weeks
ago, had urged that no US assistance should be given directly to the British Guiana Government, but rather that it
should go to trade unions and cooperative societies. This is illustrative of the attitude of the opposition towards the
Government=s attempts to secure financial aid for the country’s development.
Budget:
17. It was under these circumstances that the 1962 budget was introduced. Towards the end of 1961, it
became clear that expenditure in 1962 would be much higher than the 1961 figure. Mr. Nicolas Kaldor, world

100
famous tax expert who had previously served on a United Kingdom Tax Commission and who had advised the
Governments of India, Ceylon, Ghana, Mexico and more recently Turkey, was requested, through the United
Nations to advise this Government. Most of Mr. Kaldor=s recommendations were included in the budget proposals.
18. Responsible public opinion has commented very favourably on the budget. The very influential New York
Times described the budget as .courageous and sound..
Sir Jock Campbell, Chairman of Messrs. Booker Bros., McConnell and Company Limited, recently made
the following comments on the budget:
.It clearly was, in intention, a serious attempt by the Government to get to grips with the formidable
economic problems of the country by a hard programme of self-help. It was a radical budget, (what have
the people of British Guiana got to be conservative about?) but not confiscatory..
Senator Tasker, the local Head of the Booker Group, had this to say:
.We assessed it as a realistic attempt to grapple with the economic problems of British Guiana..
Opposition to Government and the Budget:
19. Certain business interests, on whom the burden of taxation was likely to f all most heavily and who saw
a threat to their privileged social and economic positions led an organised attack against the budget and used it as an
excuse for a concerted attempt to overthrow the Government. These business interests were politically hostile to the
Government as was clearly demonstrated during the 1961 election campaign. Sections of the working class who
themselves would have benefitted indirectly from the fiscal measures which were proposed were used by the
organisers of the disturbances. While these people claimed that they were opposing the budget, events proved that
the attack on the budget was made a front for a more serious attempt to overthrow the Government by force and
violence. This was clearly demonstrated after Government announced on February 14 that some of the budget
proposals would to be withdrawn or modified. For the attack was then shifted from the budget to the Government
itself. The overthrow of the Government was to be achieved in part by the creation of chaos and disorder. Electricity
and water works, shops, stores and markets were to be closed down. The Government transport system . railways
and ferries . was to come to a halt. Those who planned all of this had hoped that with the creation of chaos and
disorder they would have succeeded in causing the suspension of the constitution (as in 1953) and the removal of the
Government from office.
Outside Interference:
20. There is also indication that there was outside interference which might have encouraged or influenced
those who planned the recent disturbances. On Monday, 12th February, 1962 following a statement that the visit of
the US Economic Mission was called off indefinitely, the Premier interviewed Mr. Everette Melby, American
Consul General, at his office. He pointed out to him that he was perturbed as a result of a series of events which
gave the impression that the Opposition, particularly the United Force, had the support of the USA at both public
and private levels. The Premier cited to Mr. Melby some of the events. These were:
(1). With the exception of Technical Assistance the request by the Government since early 1958 for
economic assistance had not resulted in any material aid being given.
(2). U.S. citizens, Schwarz and Dr. Sluis, openly interfered in the domestic affairs of the country
during the 1961 election campaign when they supported the Defenders of Freedom and the United
Force. They later omitted spending the sum of about BWI$76,000 during this campaign. (It is to
be noted that Section 53 of Cap.57 . the Representation of the People Ordinance 1957 . limits
the expenses which may be incurred by a candidate to BWI$1,500). Dr. Sluis visited British
Guiana six times between 21st February, 1961 and 25th April 1962, including a two-month visit
just prior to and during the 1961 elections.

101
(3). US Government Information Services during the 1961 election campaign held film shows at street
corners. The USIS had never before arranged for such shows in the public. These film shows
highlighted anti-Castro and anti-communist propaganda. It happened that this line of propaganda
coincided with the smear campaign then being conducted against the Government by the
opposition.
(4). While no economic assistance was given to the Government, the impression was created in the
country by Mr. Peter D'Aguiar and the United Force that they would be able to secure substantial
financial assistance from the US Government. A figure of one billion dollars was cited; half a
billion dollars as loans to the Government for “infrastructure” development and half a billion for
industrial development by private US investors.
(5). Press reports had stated that Mr. Claude Denbow, President of the League of Coloured Peoples
and close associate of the People’s National Congress had contacted, during a visit to the USA
immediately prior to the 1961 August elections, a group of prominent Guianese professional men
now resident In New York, some of whom had interviews with State Department officials at
which, it was reported, offers of assistance were made to help the opposition to “liberate” BG from
the PPP Government.
21. The Premier bold Mr. Melby that the impression thus created had emboldened the opposition in their
acts of irresponsibility, that the announcement that the visit of the US Economic Mission was indefinitely
postponed was only adding “fuel to the fire”, and that all these events were likely to endanger the good
relationship that existed between the British Guiana Government and the US Government. The Premier
asked Mr. Melby to request his Government to indicate a date when the Mission would arrive in British
Guiana (since it was expected in January) and to make a statement along the lines of a statement by
President Kennedy during his interview with the Izvestia Editor to the effect that the US Government
believed in non-interference in the domestic affairs of other countries and would maintain friendly
relationship with all Governments which were elected at free and fair elections and maintained democratic
liberties and practices. Mr. Melby denied that his Government was encouraging or giving succour to the
Opposition and to take up with his Government the Premier’s requests.
Disturbances in relation to economic distress:
22. The high rate of unemployment and underemployment is conducive to crime and the heightening of
tensions. As long ago as 1958, the then Assistant Commissioner (Crime) Mr. David Rose, correlated the increase in
the incidence of crime with the high rate of unemployment. He said:
“This sad story speaks for itself, for it shows that the bulk of the crime problem of British Guiana today is
not the work of hardened criminals but it is the work of idle youth, young men taking to crime for want of
anything better to do. Unemployment there undoubtedly is and there is an increasing number who turn to
crime in desperation born of genuine hunger and want.”
23. The correlation between periods of tension and disturbances and periods of economic distress is borne
out historically as the following events show: .
(a) The “Angel Gabriel Riots” of 1856 were caused principally by the abolition of the United
Kingdom Sugar Duties in 1846, which had given a preference to colonial (including British
Guiana) sugar in the United Kingdom market. The abolition of the duties resulted during the
decade (1846-1856) in a fall in prices and consequently in a drop in wages, delay in making
payment of wages and unemployment, etc. The Portuguese who had come to work on the sugar
estates as labourers had moved out of the estates and set themselves up as shopkeepers and had
begun to show signs of prosperity. People for political or religious reasons incited the Negroes
against the Portuguese. A feeling of hostility grew up between the races and it was easy to stir up

102
the Africans to attack the Portuguese. During the “Angel Gabriel Riots”, the Africans broke into
and looted Portuguese shops throughout the country. A Commission was appointed after the riots.
(b) The events of 1862 also show how bad economic conditions led to increased tension
between the various communities. The preceding year had been a bad year, with loss of crops,
unemployment, etc. Rumours went around that the Africans were planning to attack the
Portuguese in rural districts. The latter hesitated to buy stocks for their country shops and lived in
a state of fear. Explaining their grievances to Governor Hincks, the Africans of Belfield said:
(i) Times were bad and they were suffering.
(ii) They did not like the task-gangs.
(iii) The import duties kept prices up and they wanted them removed.
(iv) The Portuguese were charging high prices for provisions.
(c) The inter-racial strife of the last years of the 19th century when European bounty-fed beet sugar
competed with colonial cane sugar in the British market (1887-1897) was also the result of
economic distress. Beet sugar from France, Germany and Austria had been artificially forced on to
the British market by bounties quite early, but in the 1880's the subsidised beet sugar began to
affect British Guiana sugar seriously. The price of British Guiana sugar fell sharply, and this
resulted in fall in wages and unemployment locally. Serious rioting took place and again it took
the form of racial strife. In 1889 the Africans broke into, and looted, Portuguese shops throughout
the country. There were else reports at the time of plots being hatched by the Negroes against
Europeans. A Royal Commission was sent to British Guiana in 1897 to investigate conditions.
(Bounties on beet sugar were abolished by the Brussels Convention of 1903).
(d) The period between the two world wars also was one of economic depression. The price of sugar
fell to ,8. 2s. per ton and in 1936 the International Sugar Agreement imposed o limit on British
colonial (including British Guiana) sugar. There was a reduction in wages and unemployment.
This led to general unrest and rioting in British Guiana. However, the unrest did not have racial
overtones because of circumstances at the time. The troubles resulted in the coming of a Royal
Commission to British Guiana (and the West Indies) in 1938-39.
24. The recent racial antipathy between the Indian an African communities and the unrest, rioting, looting
and arson were stirred up by politicians of the Opposition for their own ends. But this was made possible by
unemployment and economic distress which today provides as fertile a ground for sowing racial hatred, as the
distress of 1856 did for sowing the hatred which exploded in the countrywide Angel Gabriel Riots.
25. Everything the Government did was attributed to race. The Development Plan conceived in the larger
interest of the country was attacked by the Opposition as racially motivated. Mr. Adler’s comments on the priorities
in the Programme (Paragraph 5 above) are relevant in this connection. Works were concentrated mainly in the rural
areas as due to several factors, the chief of which was the failure in the past to examine the possibility of
industrialisation and to carry out essential industry feasibility studies and to secure a sufficient electricity supply as a
power base for industry. Drainage
and irrigation schemes such as the Black Bush and the Tapakuma Schemes brought direct employment to large
numbers of people (drivers, mechanics and skilled workers generally, many of whom wore recruited from the urban
areas) and indirect employment to many more from the City of Georgetown, but were nonetheless criticised as
designed in the interest of the rural, predominantly Indian community.

103
26.The excerpts from the press given in Appendix 2 and the full file of newspapers will show how the press
used its position to stir up and foster racial strife and bitterness. The deliberate inciting of people experiencing
economic distress could not fail to lead to an explosion such as occurred on 16th February.
27.The campaign of incitement of the masses coupled with exorbitant price increases by some merchants
on a wide range of commodities following the announcement of the budget proposals led to heightened tensions.
28. All those factors resulted in a situation of dangerous tension. On leaving his office by the southern
entrance of the Public Buildings on Wednesday, February 7th, the Premier was slapped in his face by a demonstrator
while others threw stones at his car. On Friday, February 9th on leaving the Public Buildings under heavy police
escort and in the presence of Police officers, Longden and Roberts, he was again assaulted by a crowd led by Mr. P.
Reid, a defeated candidate of the People’s National Congress and a Director of Bookers. (See Appendix 3 .
Chronological Record of February Disturbances 1962).
Plan to overthrow the Government and assassinate Ministers of the Government
29. On Friday, February 9th, 1962, the Premier made a statement in the Legislative Assembly drawing
attention to an organised plan to resort to intimidation, force and violence to overthrow the Government. (See
Appendix 4).
30. A tape (for transcript of which see Appendix 5) seized with an illegal transmitter found in a van owned
by D=Aguiar Bros. hinted at personal violence to prominent members of the Government.
31. Statements have been made to the effect that during the unrest the Government had invited supporters
in the rural areas (e.g., at Windsor Forest) to come to Georgetown in great strength to uphold the Government, and
that the Premier had said that civil servants who went on strike would be dismissed, that the Treasury was empty and
there was no money to pay civil servants and that civil servants would not get one penny more.
32. These alleged reports and rumours given publicity by the press are further examples of
the distortions of the truth by groups opposed to the Government in order to create unrest, dissatisfaction and even
fear among the people of the country, particularly those in the urban areas
areas.
33. During the demonstrations in Georgetown against the budget, the public was led to believe that the
whole country was against the Government and its financial policy as reflected by the budget proposals. In fact the
Opposition as measured by the organised demonstrations in the city did in no way reflect the general feeling of the
country as a whole. Many meetings were held in the country by Ministers and the budget proposals and criticisms of
them discussed. At these meetings and particularly after the proposals were explained and distortions and
misunderstandings clarified, the people generally expressed approval of the measures proposed and support for the
Government. It is true that at these meetings speakers had suggested that the people who sympathised with the
Government and the budget proposals should demonstrate their support in Georgetown and correct the wrong
impression current in the city that there was general opposition to the Government throughout the country. Meetings
were also planned in the rural areas but these were cancelled following the rioting in Georgetown. (See extract from
transcript of Governor’s broadcast at Appendix 6).
34. As to the other statements mentioned in paragraph 31 above, it is absolutely untrue that the Premier had
said that civil servants who went on strike would be dismissed. When it was learnt that this rumour was being
spread, immediate action was taken by the Government to nail this lie, and the GIS announced over the radio on
Tuesday 13th February, 1962 that the rumour was “absolutely untrue.” The gist of the statement by Miss Dolphin of
the Government Information Services [GIS] is as follows: .

Your Ad Here

104
.It is absolutely untrue that the Premier made the statement in a broadcast that civil servants who go on
strike would he dismissed. The rumour that civil servants on strike would be dismissed by the Premier is
absolutely untrue.”
It is correct that the Premier did say that the Treasury was “practically empty” and that not a penny more
would be paid to civil servants (or words to that effect) but these statements were taken
out of their context and given an entirely misleading slant. The use of the words the “Treasury is empty” was clearly
metaphorical, as Dr. Jagan had said at the same time that an announcement would be made shortly on the question
of pay increases for public servants. The words were intended to convey the country’s pressing need for immediate
financial aid to carry out its Development Programme (See Appendix 7). In the same sense, the words “not one
penny more” were used (as long ago as 1959) and were made in reference to the recommendations of the Gorsuch
Commission, which, as stated in the memorandum submitted to the Commission by the Ministry of Finance, had
recommended on the average a 16 percent increase for the senior grades, about l percent for the clerical grades and 7
percent on the minimum wages. It will be recalled (Ministry of Finance memorandum) that Government in fact
spent $1.7 million in increased wages and salaries, following the Gorsuch Report and offered an additional sum of
$800,000 for increased salaries but this offer was rejected by staff associations.
35. Finally, the Government would like to emphasise the following points made herein and elsewhere
(memoranda submitted by the Ministry of Finance and by Mr. Rai, formerly Minister of Home Affairs: .
(i) that the racial and economic conditions in the country are such that unless immediate steps are
taken to eradicate poverty and remove the threat of starvation, there is likely to be serious unrest
and violence;
(ii) that the Government has made strenuous efforts to raise funds and to obtain assistance from
abroad to implement its development programme aimed at creating opportunities for employment
and raising the standard of living of the people but without much success;
(iii) that attempts to mobilise internal savings have met with opposition and violence, sparked and
spearheaded by a small group whose privileged position was affected by the Government’s
financial and fiscal measures.
(iv) that the Government was willing to meet substantially the recommendations of the Guillebaud
Commission as regards wages and salaries and conditions of service, other then leave and leave
passages. Government’s decision on these recommendations was taken with due regard to the
financial position of the country and its ability to pay. Moreover, the way was left open for
negotiations to continue at Whitley Council or with the Ministry of Finance on those
recommendations of the Guillebaud Commission which were not initially accepted by the
Government. As a demonstration or good faith, the Government varied several of its original
decisions in the Commission’s recommendations following representations by interested parties
and the receipt of further information on the subjects in question (See memorandum submitted by
the Ministry of Finance and also copy of the notes of the meeting between the Premier and Staff
Associations at Appendix 8);
(v) that the working class and public servants had no justifiable reason after the withdrawal of the
budget proposals which would have affected them and the promise to continue negotiations on the
Guillebaud Commission to continue their opposition.
(vi) that interference of foreign interests in the internal political affairs of the country strengthened the
opposition to the Government and encouraged the use of violence by groups which had planned to
overthrow the democratically elected Government by force;
(vii)

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(vii) that certain sections of the press acted most irresponsibly by distorting the truth and
publishing inflammatory and inciting propaganda (e.g., about a Cuban warship off the coast of
British Guiana) at a time when the situation was most explosive and the masses in Georgetown
worked up to a point of hysteria;
(viii) that the duality or division of power in the Government had caused the late arrival of the armed
forces in Georgetown on Friday the 16th. Had the troops arrived earlier that day as advised and
requested by the elected Government it is almost certain that the looting and rioting would not
have occurred.
18th June, 1962
***
APPENDIX 1
EXTRACT FROM THE BERRILL REPORT
GROSS DEBT OUTSTANDING & GOVERNMENT REVENUE ($M)
5 Year
Borrowing
Programme
Government
Revenue
Gross Debt Outstanding
1954
36
60
.
35
80
.
35
120
.
35
140
.
35
1959
49
90
90
90
90
1964
64-67
148
168
208
228
1969
88-92
195
235
315
355
1974
116-122
250
310
430
490
GOVERNMENT REVENUE AND ANNUAL DEBT CHARGES ($M)
Government
Revenue
Annual Debt Charge
60 80 120 140
1954
36
1.9
1.9
1.9
1.9
1959
49
4.7
4.7
4.7
4.7
1964
64-67
10.0
11.3
14.0
15.3
1969
88-92
13.8
16.6
22.3
25.1

106
Government
Revenue
Annual Debt Charge
60 80 120 140
1974 116-122 18.1 22.4 31.1 35.4
In 1955-59, debt charges averaged 12 percent of revenue. In 1970-74 they would rise to l 7 percent on $60
million quinquennial borrowing, 20 percent on $80 million, 28 percent on $120 million and 31 percent on $140
million. Those figures are the first indicators of which level of borrowing is more appropriate.
***
APPENDIX 2
MEMORANDUM ON ATTITUDE OF THE PRESS IN INCITING PUBLIC OPINION AGAINST THE
BUDGET
Wednesday, 31st January Budget introduced. Postponement announced.
Thursday, 1st February CHRONICLE Headline: “Government to Squeeze Dollars from Workers”.
POST Headline: “Budget . It’s Staggering”.
Page 3 Article: .Budget is in keeping with Government . Marxist. Bottle of
Rum will now cost $3.10.
Town Talk: “Archangel Jacob Messenger of Death.” “Malice, Meanness and
Malevolence thrown in by Dr. Jacob.”
Friday, 2nd February CHRONICLE Headline: “Guianese stunned by tax proposals.”
GRAPHIC Sub-headline: “Budget will hit 95% of grocery goods.” Headline:
“Bombshell Budget, Big Business Recession Feared.”
Saturday, 3rd February CHRONICLE Front page: page: Letter to Burnham and D=Aguiar by E.S.
Phillips: “I suggest that you both appear on one platform. . . , a general uprising
against this budget and will force Jagan’s Government to either amend their
ideas or resign.”
GRAPHIC Sub headline: “Budget is Backroad of Progress . Spence.”
POST Headline: “Government to clamp tax on every square inch of land.”
Editorial: Misrepresents savings plan on 5% of $100 minimum.
Sunday, 4th February CHRONICLE Headline: “Tax Avalanche will Crush Working class”.
Story: “The small working class man to be soaked to the tune of some $9
million (out of 10.5 million 90% of the increased taxation will fall on the
working class people.”
Inner Headline : “Slave Whip Budget.” Article gives
Compulsory Savings Scheme as $90 per year on $150 per month salary.
Leader: Budget is “Marxist”. A “vindictive and malicious spirit prowls through
the budget.”
Picture of GPO crowd withdrawing money.
GRAPHIC: B1ackman=s article: “Keep that hand out of my pocket” critical.

107
ARGOSY Page 3: “What the Budget Means to the Poor Man” list of inaccurate
prices. Inaccurate report on 5% of 100. “Unemployment certain.”
Monday 5th February CHRONICLE: Picture of line up at GPO and drawing out.
GRAPHIC Sub-headline: .The Budget . First Step Leftward.. Taxation of
Companies will make them cut down operations and so increase unemployment.
POST Editorial: “Food Tax . It cannot help hitting the poor man too hard for
him to bear.”
Page 3: Highly critical letters.
Tuesday, 6th February CHRONICLE: Pictures of PO withdrawals. Big front page play up of
run.
Headline: “New Building Society has no Ready Cash.”
Leader: The entire country has been thrown in crisis bordering on panic.
Defenders of Freedom Letter signed by C.I. Sebastiani and E.N. Hutchison calls
for joint action on part of PNC and UF to “build and preserve a way of life such
as we should be prepared to live when we become independent.”
GRAPHIC: Picture of crowd “withdrawing savings at PO Savings Bank. Report
on New Building Society .Funds unavailable for withdrawal” headline.
Back page headline: "Budget may affect Sugar Report of SPA saying Budget
might affect the once-for-all-bonus.
POST Headline Page 2: “Dr. Jagan Calls on West Coast People to come to
Georgetown to Defend Government.”
Wednesday, 7th February CHRONICLE: Letter: “Iniquitous Budget” and “Stir yourselves . down with
this Shameful Budget. Down with the Government!”
Open letter to Prince Philip: “Jagan Government is Communist . no
Independence, etc.”
Headline inside: “Timber Development face liquidation.” Budget gives no
chance of survival.
GRAPHIC: Bold headline: Unionists Denounce “You Must Save” Plan.
POST Page 3: Vindictive letters. Full page.
Thursday, 8th February CHRONICLE: Leader The masses of people here have overnight to pay
fabulous increases for food or failing this do without. . . . On actual fact this
increase in the cost of living is between 5 and 7 percent.
GRAPHIC: Headline Page 5: “A few shocks for the Farmer” . claiming that
farmers will be adversely affected.
Friday 9th February CHRONICLE: Letter: “Budget will bring misery to country”. Ends .
“This is trodden Democracy . Let’s unite and fight for our rights.”
Letter on Back Page: Open letter to Burnham and D=Aguiar . “all of us are
agreed that we are faced with an eventual dictatorship. Dr. Jacob’s Radical
Budget bears this out in no uncertain terms, etc., etc. Unite and save us all.”
POST. Article: “Distrust and suspicion mixed with Hate” headline.

108
Saturday, 10th February CHRONICLE: Headline: “Unite and Fight” report on mass meeting. Large ad. in
centre by Demerara Mutual Life Assurance Co. against Budget.
Centre Page Headline: “Budget will tax food from poor man’s Mouth.”
POST: Headline Page 1: “Jagan Government Must Resign.”
Page 2 Editorial: Tax on Rum will result in “more
broken homes and delinquent children”.
Page 3 . Anti-Government letters.
Sunday, 11th February CHRONICLE: Page 2 Headline: “End of Election Budget” . “Independence
will give them the power to finish with Election for good . They are
impenitently and avowedly communists. If free elections are banned the
constitution will be banned too”. “If we could fight together at the barricade and
hold back the gathering storm we should be able to make the country safe for
our children.”
Shiv Gangadeen Page 5 Commentary: “Dictatorship by Budget” . .The
dictatorial purpose of Jagan’s Government is proved beyond doubt by several
tax proposals in the 1962 Budget, the weight of about 90 percent of which will
fall on the working class, etc., etc. Now more than ever before the red claws of
Jagan’s Communism are exposed naked for all to see. And this is only the
smoke . the fire comes later. If now while Britain still exercises sovereignty
here, Jagan can move openly to confiscate people’s property and their money
and destroy our Free Press, what wouldn’t he do when with the full powers of
independence he brings in his Communist forces here to back up with open
Communist dictatorship?”
Centre Editorial: “Big Shots, Little Shots” . “If as has been suggested the
Government set out to create tension in order to underscore the poverty of the
economy and incite popular clamour for independence then they shouldn’t be
surprised at the complete fulfilment of their expectation. Marxism believes in
the ‘inevitability of violence’ as the midwife of an old society when it is
pregnant with a new one.”
Page 7 Article: “What the Tax Means” . “What it means is reduce all to a
position of servitude so that only the state will be wealthy so that the State
which now controls your money will control your services and finally your
family, your children.”
GRAPHIC: Page 5 Headline: “Budget on Trial. Jagan should make
concessions.” “The Real Fear of Businessmen” . Businessmen see with budget
the death blow to all their hopes of expansion and enterprise.
ARGOSY: Headline: “Government’s Proposed Muzzle of
Press, Radio.”
Monday, 12th February CHRONICLE: Photograph of flats where J. B. Kelshall lives.
Tuesday, 13th February** [** Editor’s Note: No press references are listed for this date.]

109
Wednesday, 14th February CHRONICLE: Leading Article: “Radio Tied or Free” . threatens BGBS if
Jagan is allowed to continue its use.
Headline Page 6: “D=Aguiar says Budget hits hardest at Poorer Classes.”
.Mohamed Khan: Choke and Rob Budget.”
Thursday, 15th February CHRONICLE: Leader: Calls on Government “resign”. Governor must demand
not withdrawal of Budget but resignation of Government. Spreads rumour of
dismissal of civil servants and refuses to accept Premier’s denial.
Friday, 16th February CHRONICLE: TUC demands published, includes “cessation of talk
about nationalisation.”
Editorial: Blames Government for the leaders breaking the ban. Declares that
crowds were right.
***
APPENDIX 3
CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF FEBRUARY DISTURBANCES 1962
Wednesday, 31st January
Minister of Finance presents Budget proposals to Legislative Assembly and announces postponement of
debate thereon until February 12, so that the public may have time to study the proposals.
Thursday, 1st February
Newspapers attack Budget.
PPP a meeting in Georgetown.
Friday, 2nd February
Press attack on Budget builds up.
Saturday, 3rd February:
Premier gives Press Conference over BGBS. Explains certain aspects of Budget. Meets certain Press
criticisms.
Sunday, 4th February
PPP meeting at La Penitence Market. Premier explains Budget proposals. Hostile reception. Attacked with
bottles and stones.
PPP holds eight meetings in country areas.
Monday, 5th February
Press attack continues. Grave distortions.
Tuesday, 6th February:
Special meeting of the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce condemns most of the Budget items and
appoints committee to report on what steps to take.

110
Wednesday, 7th February
Arrival of Duke of Edinburgh. Meeting at Legislative Assembly. Premier slapped and car stoned and
struck by hostile crowd on leaving Public Building.
Large crowds demonstrate against budget and Government with placards and posters outside Public
Building.
Thursday, 8th February
Press continues attack on budget and Government.
Friday, 9th February:
Legislative Assembly meets and considers Constitution Committee. Offers committee of 16: 8 PPP, 6 PNC,
2 UF, with Speaker as Chairman. Opposition stage walk out. Large crowds in hostile demonstration around
Public Building. Disorderly scenes in Public Building from crowd of onlookers in Assembly Hall.
Government announce further postponement of Budget debate to unspecified date to allow of numerous
memoranda being studied and for further consultations.
The Government invites the three Chambers of Commerce and TUC to make representations on budget.
The Premier makes a statement to the House of Assembly about evidence of a plot to overthrow the
Government and to assassinate himself and others of his close supporters.
Premier assaulted by hostile crowd on leaving the Public Building. Taken out by heavy Police escort.
UF meeting ting at Bourda Green. Cheeks says “Budget conceived in Hell.” D=Aguiar says “Unite and
Fight.” Crowd incited against J. B. Kelshall as international communist responsible for Government’s
action. Crowd attacks Rayman’s house believing J. B. Kelshall to be there.
Saturday, 10th February
The Premier gives Press conference over BGBS. Threaten price controls. Warns of plot to overthrow the
Government.
TUC replies to Government’s invitation of the 9th asking to meet Minister of Finance on Thursday, 15th to
put forward their views on Budget.
Georgetown and Junior Chamber of Commerce meet Minister of Trade and agree to submit their views in
writing.
Georgetown Chamber of Commerce meet to discuss action against Budget. Certain local businessmen urge
lock out for Monday, 12th.
Sunday, 11th February
CSA and Government workers hold mass demonstration and march. Meeting at parade Ground on their
demands for wages, etc.
PNC hold mass meeting at Bourda Green.

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111
Monday, 12th February
Lock-out commences at Fogarty’s and D’Aguiar Bros. Crowds led by Peter D=Aguiar and UF leaders
parade in Water Street and intimidate workers. Strikes commence as workers are locked out or walk out.
D=Aguiar addresses, crowd from balcony of his office in Brickdam. Says “Purpose of this demonstration is
to bring down the Budget. Purpose of this demonstration is to bring down the Government.”
Premier speaks over BGBS. Appeals to trade unions to reconsider decision to demonstrate because
negotiations are still going on. Appeals to civil servants to be loyal to the country, and not to take part in
political strike.
Mass PNC meeting at Bourda Green. Burnham calls on workers to “Fight for liberty and prosperity”. Says
“The battle for survival has begun . who is broken now is broken forever.” Asks the crowd “Will you
fight?” Answer “Yes.” “They will bring soldiers . will you still fight?” Answer “Yes.”
Tuesday, 13th February
CSA and FUGE officers informed of Government’s decision to refer outstanding questions to Whitley
Councils.
Civil Servants go on strike at 1.00 p.m.
TUC mass demonstration with CSA participating at 2.00 p.m. Rumour of dismissal of civil servants spread
by Ishmael. TUC calls for general strike at meeting.
Premier denies rumour of dismissal of civil servants over BGBS and asks civil servants to remain loyal and
not be misled.
Wednesday, 14th February
Area around Public Building declared restricted by Governor.
Premier announces decision to withdraw most of the Budget proposals (having made greater concessions
than were asked for by the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce).
Thursday, 15th February
Processions led by Burnham and D=Aguiar break ban and march into prohibited area. Crowds attempt to
break into Public Building area but are kept back by Police.
TUC officials meet Minister of Finance and agree to submit recommendations in writing the following
morning.
Big meeting at Parade Ground. PNC and UF join. Ishmael calls on crowd to go to Electricity Corporation
next morning and stop the “scabs” running the plant.
Friday, 16th February
Demonstrations. Meeting at Parade Ground. Crowd marches on Electricity Corporation and Riot Squad
uses tear smoke. D=Aguiar and Ishmael present.

112
Attack on Freedom House and Jardim’s Tractor Store.
Attack on Premier’s house: 11.30.
Attack on Attorney General’s house: 1.40.
Attack on Rayman’s house and other Ministers’ houses.
Arson and Looting.
Arrival of Army Units around 3.30
***
APPENDIX 4
GIS COMMUNIQUES, No. 6 . Friday, February 9, 1962.
The Premier Dr. the Honourable C. B. Jagan made the following statement to the Legislative Assembly this
afternoon:
It has come to the knowledge of the Government that violence is actually being planned on general scale by
certain elements acting for a minority group. In addition, it is understood that attempts against the Premier’s life and
the lives of certain of his Ministers and supporters are contemplated.
These acts of violence are intended to secure the overthrow of the legally elected Government by force and
the tax proposals in the budget are being used as a screen for the general plan.
These plotters intend to call a general strike for Monday, February 12. Since there is no
likelihood of this strike call being widely supported by the workers, certain
elements of the business community plan to shut down their business houses. The
intention is in effect to stage a general lock-out on the excuse that the strike has
created conditions which prevent continued business operations. Every step
possible is being taken to bring the Civil Service in on this strike and if these
designs are successful, the total result will be to cause widespread dislocation of
the Colony’s economy.
Such a course of action will be very likely to end in riot and violence. The people who plan this operation
must be aware of this. It seems that they are seeking to cause turmoil and unrest in order to halt our march to
Independence and economic well-being for all.
This small clique is determined to preserve their positions of privilege. They want to create another Congo
here. They talk-about freedom and democracy, but are determined to use unconstitutional means to achieve these
ends. They feel that they can depend on foreign support.
In the circumstances the Government intends to take energetic steps to forestall this plan and I am now
appealing to all reasonable public-minded citizens not to allow themselves to be persuaded or fooled into taking part
in what can only be a disastrous and futile effort on the part of a small misguided and selfish element in the
community to turn back the clock of history.
***
APPENDIX 5

113
[Editor’s Note: The following is the transcript of a tape found in the illegal transmitting set which was seized by the
police on the Sunday 18 February 1962, two days after Black Friday. Before its seizure, an illegal radio was heard
by many Guianese over the wave lengths inciting the people against the Government. This radio tape, which no
doubt would have been heard, if it had not been seized, was clearly a threat against the lives of PPP leaders .
namely, Dr. Jagan and Messrs. Benn, Kelshall and Jacob. It is interesting to note the false news which they were
spreading, and which was meant to inflame people . that foreign ships were outside Guyana, ostensibly waiting to
come in and cause trouble. What is even more significant is the line carried . "We want a new Indian leader". The
voice on the tape was that of a woman.]
This is “Free Guiana” speaking to you. “Radio Free Guiana”. Listen to the truth.
Our country stands face to face with destruction and disaster. The City of Georgetown is little more than a
smoking ruin. Over 60 businesses have been destroyed by fire; countless others have been looted of all that they
once held. The heart of our capital city is a charred and blackened ruin.
How did it happen? All over Guiana people are asking themselves this question: How did it happen?
On Monday February 12, the first public protest against the communist budget began when workers walked
out of their jobs and Water Street firms were forced to close.
From Monday to Friday demonstrations and public meetings were held to voice the mass protest against the
Government's policies. These demonstrations were peaceful. There was no violence. People exercised their
democratic right of protest against a Government which had ceased to act in the people interest.
On Friday, February 16, the Government instructed the Police to fire tear gas at a harmless crowd near the
Electricity Corporation. An eye witness says that when the first bombs were thrown the crowd was talking and
laughing. There was no violence. Women and children were in that crowd. It was not a mob bent on destruction.
Houses full of innocent people were gassed by the Police on the instructions of Kelshall, Benn, Jacob and Jagan.
When those bombs were thrown the Government betrayed themselves. They had proved themselves to be the
ferocious communists that many people had so long suspected them to be.
The Government, by first using violence deliberately, incited violence. They smashed a democratic protest
and laid the foundation of the riot which followed.
On Saturday, the Evening Post published this statement, and it must be remembered that the Evening Post
has always supported the Government. The statement begins: .
“British Guiana licks its wounds today after the blackest Friday in its history. Blackened and battered by
violent hands of a maddened, Georgetown presents a pitiful and painful example of what can happen when
authority is misused. The blame for the mad violence which was let loose upon Georgetown yesterday, in
our opinion, must be laid on the shoulders of the administration. It was thorough indiscriminate and foolish
use of tear gas bombs which incensed the mob and provoked the retaliation and rage which was unleashed
upon the City. It was a terrible misjudgement on their part, on the pent up fury in the hearts of the people,
and their ability to meet action with counter-action. The control which the Unions and the two political
parties opposed to Government had succeeded in exercising over the people maddened by the budget
proposals and the turn of force in the country, was completely shattered by ill-advised action, and it will be
noted that it was a certain element of the Georgetown crowd which broke loose. It was rather fortunate that
they were neither aided nor abetted by the Unions or the political parties, or the blow delivered yesterday
could have been country wide.”
Those were the words of a newspaper which once supported the Government.
Imperialist troops are now here. The very troops Dr. Jagan scorned and vilified in !953, he has
now been forced to summon. Imperialism is now keeping him in power. This
then, is a measure of his control. He cannot control this country any longer.
Kelshall, Benn, Jacob and Jagan, you are communists and you have lost. Not all
your imperialism will put Guiana together again. Nothing you can do will heals
the wounds. W do not want you. You are responsible for the violence, the
shooting and the burning. You have excited it. Your PYO thugs and criminals
have looted and burnt buildings of men who opposed you. You have stirred up the

114
mobs who went mad because you had lost control and were desperately trying to
save yourselves. You are trying to destroy us, but we will not be destroyed. You
are asking the Governor to suspend the constitution because you are ignorant and
afraid, and your communist friends cannot send their rockets yet. Kelshall, go
back to your yacht and your palace in Trinidad. You have helped your fellow
fools to ruin our country.
Five warships are now in the Demerara River. Four Dutch ships are stationed in the Corentyne, and a
Cuban battleship is waiting outside. We are about to become a battle ground for the greater glory of Kelshall, Benn,
Jacob and Jagan. Our lives are to be lost for the sake of these men, but these men are sick and stupid. They are not
worth the life of a rat, much less the life of a man.
Kelshall, Benn, Jacob and Jagan, you have done enough. The time is late. Get out and leave us to a rebuild
in the confidence that your wickedness will never rise again. We want a new Indian leader, Jagan, a man who is
strong in himself, who is not dominated by a white Trinidadian and a clique of stupid self-seekers. We do not want
you, or Kelshall, or Benn or Jacob. We warn you to go before the time comes when you no longer can.
***
APPENDIX 6
BROADCAST BY THE GOVERNOR
February 17, 1962.
The Premier, as leader of the People’s Progressive Party, has asked me to include in this talk to you a
statement that his Party has decided in the public interest to call off certain party meetings that had been planned for
tomorrow, Sunday, February 18. These were, I understand: Port Mourant at 10 a.m.; Cotton Tree, Enmore and Farm
(East Bank Demerara) all at 3 p.m.; Wales at one o clock; Uitvlugt at two o= clock, and Enterprise (Leguan) at three
o’clock, Sans Souci (Wakenaam) at ten o’clock; and Anna Regina at one o’clock.
I repeat . all these meetings are cancelled.
Dr. Jagan asks that members of his Party remain quietly at their homes or places of work and get on with
their jobs and their lawful occasions.
***
APPENDIX 7
.TREASURY IS EMPTY.
Guiana Graphic, Tuesday, November 28,1961.
The Premier, Dr. Cheddi Jagan, stressing the need for immediate financial help for British Guiana at a news
conference yesterday, said that the treasury was practically empty.
He said his Government was anxious to push the country’s development, but did not have the money to
carry out the plans.
Dr. Jagan disclosed that an announcement would be made shortly on the question of pay increases for
employees of the Public Service.
He did not, however, give any indication whether the increase would centre around the recommendation of
the Guillebaud Commission.
***
APPENDIX 8

115
Notes of a meeting held in the Chamber of the Legislative Assembly at 4.00 p.m. on Wednesday, 24th January,
1962, in connection with the Government’s proposals on the Guilleband Report concerning salaries and conditions
of service in the Public Service.
Present were .
Dr. the Hon. C. Jagan . Premier (In the Chair)
Dr. the Hon. C.R. Jacob . Minister of Finance
Mr. W. P. D=Andrade . Secretary to the Treasury
Mr. C. C. Low-a-Chee . Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Development and Planning and Secretary to the Council
of Ministers.
Mr. C. I. Mongul . Principal Establishment Officer
Representing the Civil Service Association
Mr. O. L. Henry
Mr. M. V. A. Spencer
Dr. Balwant Singh
Mr. F. O. Emery
Mr. I. Coleman
Mr. H. Hamilton
Mr. N. Northe
Miss W. E. Alexander
Representing the Senior Professional and Administrative Officers’ Association
Dr. B. B. G. Nehaul
Mr. L. Searwar
Representing the Police Federation
Insp. Crevalle
Sgt. Bollers
Cpl. Bray
Const. Duncan
Representing the British Guiana Teachers’ Association
Mr. B. E. Arno
Representing the Pilots’ Association
Mr. L.C. McWatt
Mr. D. Boyce
Representing the Senior Prison Officers’ Association
Mr. G Barkie
Mr. A. Lewis
Representing the Prison Officers’ (Subordinate) Association

116
Mr. A. Humphrey
Mr. C. Padmore
Representing the Postmasters’ Union
Mr. C. H. Brewster
Mr. D. Carryl
The Honourable Premier welcomed the representatives present and then read a letter from the Federation of
Unions of Government Employees in which it was intimated that the invitation from the Ministry of Finance was
received too late to make arrangements for representatives to attend the meeting. Dr. Jagan stated that he was sorry
about the short notice but that Government was working at top speed to get the matter settled. Indeed, he hoped that
discussions could continue immediately after he had spoken so that the matter could be finalised in the shortest
possible time. Ho then proceeded to explain the considerations which forced the Government to arrive at the
conclusions. These have been included in the statement attached. He concluded his statement by saying that in the
spirit of co-operation Government had agreed that the date of implementation of the new leave and leave passages
conditions should now be 1st January, 1962. He then threw the meeting open for comments by the representatives.
The following points were made in discussion: .
By the Civil Service Association
(a) It was not possible to take advantage of the opportunity for discussion but pointed out that
Government’s decision that an Anomalies Committee should not be appointed but that appeals
should be forwarded to the Ministry of Finance was not the best solution.
(b) Whether provisional payment of salaries could not be made now.
(c) Whether it was true that Government had intended to revise the hours of work. It was
pointed out that some officers were already working for long hours.
(d) What was the position with regard to Whitley Council in such matters . whether any
matter which was in dispute with Government should not be discussed in Whitley Council.
(c) Whether an assurance would be given that when the Association was discussing changes in
conditions of service they would be doing so in the spirit of bargaining.
(f) That Government will get a greater degree of satisfaction from the Service if the
recommendations of the Guillebaud Commission Report with respect to salaries were
implemented and an assurance given that the other conditions of service would be allowed to
continue until a final decision was reached.
Replies by the Premier to points raised
(a) It was felt by the Government that as a decision has been reached it was not necessary for
anomalies as regards gradings, etc. to be undertaken by a formal Committee but that they should
be referred to the Ministry of Finance for settlement as in the past.
(b) No formal decision was mode but if the Associations accepted Government’s proposals payments
could be made immediately.

117
(c) There has been no suggestion to increase the hours of work but it was considered that the general
efficiency of the service should be improved. The Gorsuch Commission commented on this matter
and it was considered that efficiency could only be improved by co-operation of the service on the
whole . more efficiency would mean more money available for paying salaries, etc. He knew that
some officers were working hard while others were not doing so. He asked f or the co-operation of
all the Associations in this matter. Co-operation was not only necessary in hours of work but in the
quality and quantity of work. The Association it was felt could certainly do a lot in this respect, if
brought to the attention of members and action taken to see that certain things were stopped. He
asked the meeting not to believe everything they say in the press. The GIS would be starting a new
programme shortly “In the Press this Week”, the aim of which was to correct any distortions
which appeared in the press.
(d) He was afraid that if the matter went back to Whitley Council it would be a long drawn out affair.
The matter could be settled quickly by consideration with the Finance Secretariat. On purely
economic grounds Government could not afford the payment of $2.5 million at the present time.
(e) It all depended upon what was called bargaining. There was a difference between a trade union
bargaining with a business concern and a trade union bargaining with a Government. In the
former case, if the employer did not have the resources to meet the demands he could either close
the business or if he did meet the demands there would most likely be a reduction in staff. In the
case of the Government it was not possible to take such action.
(f) He felt that there could not be acceptance of salaries revision with effect from 1st
January, 1961, and a pro1ongation of a revision of conditions of service and therefore it was not
possible to accept such a recommendation.
By the Police Federation
(a) The Federation had requested clarification on the conversion tables applicable to non- gazetted
ranks and in response to the Premier asked that an early meeting with the Minister of Finance be
arranged, if possible the next day.
(b) Whether the decision could he implemented separately.
Replies by Premier
(a) The Ministers were all very busy and working long into the night but he was sure that the
Minister of Finance would meet the Federation as early as possible.
(b) It was agreed that the decision could be implemented separately if agreement was
reached in each case.
By Police Officers’ Association
(a) Enquired whether Government’s decision was to pay and then to negotiate about the
other conditions of service.
To this the Premier replied in the affirmative.
(b) Was it fair to expect civil servants to suffer up to a 10 percent cut in salaries because there was a
short fall in revenue, i.e., something for which they were not responsible?
By Postmasters= Union

118
(a) Enquired whether the interim payment requested by the Civil Service Association was something
being negotiated separately by Government with them.
(b) Suggested that a copy of the Premier’s statement be sent to each Association for
consideration and that the whole meeting return for a further discussion at some early and
convenient date.
(c) What would be the position if an employee was genuinely sick and utilised his 14 days
full-pay sick leave, if he would be put on half-pay then it would be a considerable hardship for the
subordinate ranks.
(d) Whether Government would still cut salaries if the cost of living continued to rise during
the period.
Premier’s Replies
(a) That the Civil Service Association had asked for a provisional payment pending the final
determination of the other matters.
(b) Agreed to send copies of the statement to the Associations and added that he would be
quite willing to meet the Associations again if they consider it necessary.
(c) There were long discussions on this subject and the Council based their decision on what
happened in practice . some employees actually planned sick leave. If there were genuine cases
and these were brought to the Minister’s attention he felt that sympathetic consideration would be
given each case on its merits. Permanent Secretaries and Heads of Department would be expected
to tighten up on cases of slackness.
(d) Much would depend on what the Association did to achieve efficiency and to effect
economies and to keep expenditure at 4 percent and not 5 percent.
By Teacher’s Association

130
Whether the reduction in salaries is a final decision of the Government or the maser could be reviewed.
Reply by Premier
He was prepared to have further discussions on the point but would be glad to have staff associations’
views on how current expenditure could be held at 4 percent.
General
The Premier stated that great stress had been made that the Civil Service Association was a trade union but
a trade union in the strictest sense in many respects could do things that could cause savings not only for its
members but for the Government. He had been told that it was a waste of time bringing disciplinary action
against workers, that it was better to let the matter go by as it would cost Government loss. He reiterated
that as officers of the Government it was their responsibility to see that members were disciplined and
worked in a disciplined manner if we were to go forward. Government was not something to fight.
Dr. Jagan then thanked representatives present for their attendance and patient hearing and the meeting was
declared closed at 6.25 p.m.

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PART III
COMMENTS ON THE WYNN PARRY REPORT
(Thunder, 6 October 1962)
1. COMMISSION HITS AT OPPOSITION PARTIES
The Report of the Commission of Enquiry is out. There has not been enough time to give
it careful study but there are a few things which are apparent even from a cursory reading The
Commission has not probed deeply into all aspects of the disturbances and the events leading up
to them, and we do not agree with some of their conclusions. But they have been able to identify
those responsible for the disturbances and hold them up to public view.
2. Let us see first of all what they have said about the budget which was supposed to have
been the cause of the disturbances. They have said:
"It will be seen that there was nothing deeply vicious or destructive of the economic
security of the budget. It had been drawn up on the advice of an experienced economist,
who could not be said to have any Communist prepossessions."
They went on to point out that the budget won immediate approval from many persons
and sections of the press . Senator Tasker, Sir Jock Campbell, the New York Times and the
London Times.
Strenuous Efforts
3. They have pointed out that Dr. Jagan, fully cognisant of the economic needs of British
Guiana and of the inadequacy of the country’s internal resources to meet them, made strenuous
efforts to obtain economic aid from abroad to develop the country, but such aid was not
forthcoming, and they pointed out that it was in the light of the failure to get foreign aid that the
budget was introduced.
Realistic Attempt
4. The Commission agreed that the budget was a realistic attempt to grapple with the
economic problems of British Guiana, but as they pointed out, "there was a section of the press
in British Guiana itself which was strongly, almost. viciously critical of the budget." They
pointed out
that the Daily Chronicle "which is under the effective control of Mr. D’Aguiar, Leader of the
United Force, and the Argosy, which is also hostile to Dr. Jagan" opened their assault on the
budget
on the day following its introduction.

132
Personal Frustration
The Commission has pointed out that the opposition to the budget was motivated by
political considerations. The budget was used as an excuse. Speaking of the United Force, the
Commission said that the list of grievances given by Mr. D'Aguiar and Senator Ann Jardim
against the PPP is “little more than a narrative of personal frustration.”
Speaking. of the PNC they said:
"The real motive force behind Mr. Burnham's assault (on the budget) was a desire to
assert himself in public life and establish a more important and more rewarding position
for himself by bringing about Dr. Jagan's downfall."
Businessmen Affected
The Commission pointed out that Mr Burnham tried to say that the budget contained
measures which were calculated to inflict hardships on the working classes by increasing the cost
of living. This the Commission said was far from true. They pointed out that the attitude of the
United Force in this matter was “more honest” than that of the PNC; for the United Force
represented the businessmen and the middle classes who were obviously affected by the new
taxes on capital gains, gifts and property holdings.
Cripple the People
6. The Commission has also shown how on the publication of the budget many members of the
commercial raised the prices not only on those goods upon which import duty had been
increased but also on other goods which did not come within the purview of the budget. They
pointed out moreover that the increases were in almost every instance more than the actual
increase in the import duty.
They have shown how a number of businessmen, like Mr. M. B. Gajraj, advocated that
businessmen should slop dealing in commodities which had not been taxed, like sugar, flour and
oil, and that they should stop all credit facilities to their customers in order "to cripple the people
and bring tremendous pressure on the Government."
Personal Animosity
7. The Report shows that the trade union leaders were influenced in their opposition to
the budget by political considerations and by personal animosity to Dr. Jagan and his
Government. The Report speaks of the "acrimonious hostility" and states in no uncertain manner
that the Commission
did not believe Mr. [Richard] Ishmael's statements
8. The Report states that all individuals and organisations who had grievances against the
Government combined "to form a veritable torrent of abuse, recrimination and vicious hostility
directed against Dr. Jagan and his Government."
D'Aguiar Lied

133
9. The Commission of Enquiry shows how the manoeuvres of the two opposition parties
led
directly to the events of Black Friday.
The Report deals with the contravention of the Proclamation and showed how Mr.
Burnham
worked his supporters up into "a state of frenzy." It shows how Mr. D'Aguiar "seized every
opportunity of attacking Dr. Jagan's Government and inciting the crowds during the week of the
disturbances." It points out how Mr. D'Aguiar repeatedly lied to the Commission of Enquiry. Mr.
D'Aguiar told the Commission that on the morning of February 16 he did not tell the crowd that
the child who had been affected by the tear gas had died. But the Commission remarked that a
number of witnesses had given evidence that Mr. D'Aguiar had in fact told the crowd that the
child had died.
At this stage the Commission remarked:
“We are constrained to observe that his being wedded to truth did not impose so stern a
cloisteral isolation upon him as not to permit an occasional illicit sortie, in order to test
the seductive and political rewarding adventure of flirting with half-truths.”
They remarked also that Mr. D’Aguiar had stated under cross-examination that on eight
occasions the crowd had compelled him to take the initiative.
The Commission found that the false rumour that a child had been killed by tear gas
provided the immediate stimulus to violence, and that D'Aguiar had passed on the false
information to the crowd.
Strike Encouraged
10. The Commission goes on to deal with the Chamber of Commerce and showed how its
members "encouraged and. Fostered” the strike of their employees. Mr Nascimento, personal
assistant to Mr. D'Aguiar and general manager of the Daily Chronicle, which the Commission
described as an “ unashamed and remorseless protagonist of the United Force", suggested that
employers should pay their employees who went on strike, thus subsidising the strike. Messrs.
Figueira, Bettencourt-Gomes and Gajraj were even more enthusiastic about supporting the strike
than Nascimento. The Commission pointed out that while the Chamber, as such, did not sponsor
a lock-out, it "turned a blind eye to the attitude and intentions of its members." The President of
the Chamber attempted to explain this by saying that the Chamber being a democratic body
could not regulate the individual actions of its members. The Commission's comment on this
matter is worthy of note:
"This lamentable confession of impotence scarcely redounds to the credit of a responsible
body incorporated by special ordinance and professing the lofty aim of promoting the
interest of trade and commerce."
Irresponsibility

134
11. The Commission noted that though the Minister of Finance had invited the trade
union leaders to discuss the budget and the meeting had been fixed for the 13th February, the
Trade Union Council decided to call a general strike. The Commission described their action as
"a breach of faith and a display of irresponsibility,"
Burnham Callous
12. The Commission draws attention to "the strange unfeeling attitude of the political
leaders when the passions aroused by them had been let loose on the town." The Governor had
asked Mr. Burnham to use his influence and advise the crowds to desist from acts of violence.
Mr. Burnham had refused. The Commission described his attitude as "callous and remorseless."
It stated:
"We may at this stage draw attention to the strangely unfeeling attitude of the
political leaders when the passions aroused by them had been let loose on the town.
"An appeal was made by the Governor to Mr. Burnham to use his influence and
advise the crowds to desist from acts of violence. The Governor asked him to employ his
loudspeaker system and ask the crowds to leave the streets.
"Mr. Burnham, however, replied that he would consult his Executive. Strangely
enough, the Executive could not see their way to accede to the Governor's request. This is
how Mr. Burnham dealt with the matter in his statement before us:.
"We could: not help. There were too main obstacles, one was that we were very
short of petrol and we felt that if we went all around Georgetown using up this
petrol at the Governor's request we would have no petrol for the vehicles to carry
out Party work. We also considered it ill-advised to go and tell people to desist
from what they were doing when we had nothing to do with the starting of it. The
man who calls off the do owns the dog."
"This callous and remorseless attitude is reminiscent of Mark Antony’s
observation, ‘Mischief, thou art afoot. Take thou what course thou wilt.’
"As regards Mr. D'Aguiar, all he could think of was to ask the Governor to give
protection to his wife and family. He telephoned the Governor and said that he could not
see his way to making an appeal for peace to the riotous crowds of Georgetown ."
Significant
13. The Commission has mentioned how wild and false rumours were propagated by
enemies of the Government. The civil servants, for instance, went on strike because of a rumour
that the Premier had stated in a broadcast that all civil servants who went on strike would be
dismissed.
It was established that the Premier did not make any such threat. It is significant that the
persons involved in this were Mr. [Richard] Ishmael, whose statements the Commission stated
that they could not believe, and one Mr. Hill, whom the Commission described as a "wholly
unreliable witness." We have noted, too, that it was D'Aguiar. who gave the crowd the false

135
information that a child had been killed . the information that is supposed to have incited them
to violence and led directly to the outbreak of violence.
Errors and Omissions
14. The Commission has made many errors and omissions. They have said that they do
not think that the events of February 16 were part of a plot to overthrow the Government by the
use of force, overlooking all the evidence of an organised plan presented to them, and the fact
that the Premier had foretold with remarkable accuracy the course of events of the week that
culminated in Black Friday. They have omitted all reference to the secret transmitter, the pirate
broadcasts and seditious tapes. But we shall deal in detail with these aspects of the Report in
subsequent issues.
Dedicated man
15. In conclusion, we can do no better than to compare the impression which the
Commission had of Burnham, Ishmael, Gajraj and D'Aguiar, as given above, with the impression
which they have given of Dr. Jagan, as seen in the following:
"There was a certain glamour about him, emanating from his youthful exuberance and a
zeal which is characteristic of dedicated men. He seemed to possess a sense of purpose
and a determination to work for his countrymen's freedom and their material progress."

136
(Thunder, 30 June 1962)
2. COMMISSION OF INQUIRY . . . .
WHAT I BELIEVE . DR. JAGAN=S EVIDENCE
.Sirs, there are various definitions of communism. If one looks at the United States Immigration Act, one
finds a definition of communism there and if I were to be asked >Do I agree with this definition and would you say
you are a communist?’ I would say I am not a communist. In the law, the Suppression of Communist Act, in South
Africa, to criticise the policy of apartheid is regarded as communism. In such a situation I would consider myself a
communist.
.If you look in a Webster dictionary, one would find there a definition of communism which
will compel me to say that I am not a communist because the assumptions there are that liberties on freedoms will be
denied under such a set-up. And therefore, I feel that in this complicated question of communism there are many
sides, many views, but in this country the people who have been accusing us for many years on this question have
always assumed that communism is evil. That is
why I have always refused to give a yes or no answer to this very complicated question. I have always said that I am
a Marxist, if I am to be tagged, because Marxism is a philosophy.
Anti-Colonialist
"Marxism is a science of the laws of development of society from one stage to the next, as
was pointed out this morning. There could he various stages to this, the national democratic independence level .
the stage we are on, the socialist level, and then ultimately, the so-called communist level. Now, Sir, by saying that I
am a Marxist, I could be at one and the same time anti-Colonialist, an anti-Imperialist, a Democrat, a Socialist, a
Humanist, and a Communist. I wish to make this very clear, because already statements are being made as a result of
what I said on the last occasion to smear me.
End to Domination
"As a passionate anti-Colonialist, I am interested in the independence of my country . political
independence; as an anti-Imperialist, I am interested in putting an end to the domination and subjection of the
economy of my country; as a Democrat, I am interested in preserving the liberties and freedom of the people . not
only in preserving, but in enlarging them; as a Socialist, I am interested in the creation of a new society which will
lay the basis for the end of exploitation. . . "
Communism
Dr. Jagan . “I believe the tenets of communism to be >From each according to his ability, to each
according to his need=. I believe in that.”
Mr. Luckhoo [Consul for the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce] . “This is your conception of the tenets
of communism and you believe in that?”
Dr. Jagan . “Yes.”
Mr. Luckhoo . “That represents your communist belief.”
Dr. Jagan . “Yes.”
Here are some of Dr. Jagan’s more important remarks to the Commission on questioning:

137
Fight Against Racialism
"I have never subscribed to racialism in this country. I have always fought against it, and will always
continue to fight against it.”
Defenders of Freedom
.I am referring to persons who dominate society here. For instance, there its a society here
called the Defenders of Freedom. I am referring to persons like Mr. Willems who is the head of that group who,
when I was President of the Sawmill and Forest Workers' Union, refused to allow me, the Secretary of the Union,
and others to go on Government property to organise workers to fight for workers= rights."
Not Today
Mr. Luckhoo . "Before I take my seat I want to put this to you, that you primarily and your party are the
cause of the disturbances of Black Friday by a course of conduct in which you and your Organisation have been
following a communist pattern in which you have created fear in the minds of the people, in which they feel that
their monies, their property, and their securities are going to be confiscated. The people fear their families are
threatened and that growing fear all accumulated and ended with Black Friday."
Dr. Jagan . "That is not so. I would like, Sir, to elaborate on this answer. It is not today that
this question of communism has come up in British Guiana. This question has been aired from the
moment I entered polities in this country from 1946 when I and a few others got together and organised a
Committee called the Political Affairs Committee. If there have been fears as result of our activity, day by day, or
year after year to struggle for democratic liberty in this country, for people in this country, this has been due to the
fact that many individuals, the press, leaders in political parties . I remember in 1953 . . . . "
Chairman . "Do not make a speech. You said no to the question. I cannot allow you to make a political
speech."
Dr Jagan . "Sir, the question has taken a great deal of my time and a great deal of your time. l have to put
it in its proper perspective. Mr. Luckhoo is suggesting that my party led to the disturbance."
Sir Edward Asafu-Adjaye [Member of the Commission] . “You have already said no.”
Dr. Jagan . “And I wish to prove otherwise . to the contrary . that there were activities, such as ones in
which Mr. Luckhoo was leader of a political party, organised these fears in the minds of the Guianese people.”
No Bayonet
Dr. Jagan . “Sir, it is because I have stood up for the working class, that they have voted for
me. I have not put a bayonet on their backs and said ‘Come vote for me.’"
Support Civil Power
Counsel [for the Commission] . “If there were no division of power, as I imagine it would be after
independence, do you really think that you would have been better able to deal with the situation which arose last
February?”
Dr. Jagan . “Certainly.”

138
Question . “In what respect?”
Dr Jagan . “Under the present constitution prosecutions are in charge of the Director of Prosecutions. The
question of control of armed forces is a question which is completely in the hands of the Governor, the Head of
State. Under an independent constitution armed forces will be under, too, the Head of State, but he will be working
with the advice of the Government.”
Question . “What could you have done if there had been no division of power?”
Dr. Jagan . “I could have brought into the country at that stage immediately the armed
forces which were at Atkinson Field.”
Question . “On the Thursday morning?”
Dr. Jagan . “Yes, Thursday morning or evening.”
Question . “Or perhaps even on Wednesday?”
Dr. Jagan . “At that stage, probably it was not reached. But as soon as it became clear that

Your Ad Here

138
the leaders of the people in the opposition were deliberately disregarding the law and deliberately breaking it, the
situation at that stage had become very explosive anal therefore I would have brought in whatever support .
military support . there was for the civil power, immediately.”
Boycott D'Aguiar
Mr. Farnum [Counsel for the United Force] . “Would you agree that Mr. D=Aguiar=s products were to be
boycotted because he opposed your views which represent the views of the people?”
Dr Jagan . “Because he deliberately tried to use measures which were unconstitutional to
overthrow a government which was a people's Government.”
Question . “And your paper Thunder is today urging that the boycott continue?”
Dr. Jagan . “Yes.”
Question . “It is a form . an effort to punish?”
Dr. Jagan . “Not to punish; not to support an individual to get rich and wealthy at the expense of the
people whose interests he is generally against.”

139
(Thunder, 23 June 1962)
3. ISHMAEL ADMITS BEING IN CONFERENCE WITH PNC-UF LEADERS ON BLACK FRIDAY
About one hour before the arson and looting on Black Friday, Mr. Forbes Burnham, leader
of the People's National Congress, Mr. Peter D=Aguiar, leader of the United Force, Mr. Richard Ishmael, President
of the Trades Union Council were in conference at the Chambers of Luckhoo and Luckhoo in Croal Street.
Mr. Ishmael admitted this in evidence under cross examination by Ashton Chase, counsel for the PPP,
before the Commonwealth Commission, enquiring into the February disturbances.
Present at the conference also were Mr. James Ramphal, barrister at law, and former Commissioner of
Labour and Mr. Lionel Luckhoo.
Mr. Ishmael in answer to Mr. Chase said he went in search of Mr. Ramphal at his Chambers
but he was not there. He learnt that he was at the chambers of Mr. Luckhoo.
.At the Chambers of Luckhoo, I met Mr. Burnham, Mr. D=Aguiar and Mr. Ramphal..
After stating that the conference was purely accidental, Mr. Ishmael said it lasted for about 45 minutes.
He admitted that the meeting was before the arson and the looting had started, having regard to the time.
Mr. Ishmael said that Mr. Ramphal was his personal adviser.
When Mr. Chase sought to cite a newspaper report about the Trades Union Council's stand on the budget,
Mr. Ishmael started to speak in a loud tone of voice and the Chairman, Sir Henry Wynn Parry, had to ask him to
keep quiet.
Under cross examination by the Attorney General, Dr. Fenton Ramsahoye, he said although
there was not a trade dispute between the MPCA and the Electricity Corporation he did not think he was acting
illegally when he went to call the workers out.
Re-examined by Mr. Kenneth Potter, Counsel to the Commission, Mr. Ishmael said he was
asked by Mr. D=Aguiar whether he would help him. It was not agreed that Mr. Burnham and Mr. D=Aguiar should
speak at a meeting arranged for the night.
During his evidence Mr. Ishmael referred to statements reported to have been made by the Hon. Brindley
Benn. He also complained about inaccurate statements in the newspapers.
Dr. Ramsahoye asked him if he ever heard Mr. Benn speak personally and he said he never
did but added that the speeches were reported in the press.
Dr. Ramsahoye: "Mr. Ishmael, you have been complaining all through about the inaccuracy of the press,
couldn’t Mr. Benn say the same thing?
Ishmael: “Yes.”

140
(Thunder, 24 February 1962)
Editorial:
4. THEIR NEXT MOVE
The events of last week, ending in the rioting, looting and burning of dozens of buildings
are, perhaps, the most severe this country has ever seen.
It is now clear to all that these events arose out of a well-planned plot to unseat the
government by causing chaos and destruction. The blame is not hard to determine. It lies directly
on the backs of the opposition parties – the United Force and the People's National Congress,
supported by the TUC.
The excuse given that the budget proposals were objectionable cannot hold water. The
proof of this is in the fact that when the features which the demonstrators objected to were
removed, the position became even worse. It was clear then that the combined opposition were
annoyed that the PPP Government had removed the so-called cause of dissatisfaction. They all
wanted only one thing -- and that was, the fall of the PPP Government.
That they failed to bring down the Government does not mean the end of the plot. Having
used unconstitutional means, and in fact resorted to anarchy, the forces which seek to destroy
democracy in BG are now moving in another direction. They are now busily preparing a
Memorial
to the Queen asking for the suspension of the constitution. It will be interesting to see the names
of those supporting the petition. We believe that they are the same persons and groups who urged
the suspension of the Constitution in 1953.
We shall fight this net move and any other activity they may concoct to unseat the PPP
Government. They shall not win! They cannot win for international events and the love of people
all over the world for fair play are on our side.

141
(Thunder, 7 April 1962)
5. THE COMMISSION OF ENQUIRY
The TUC, in an attack published in the Daily Chronicle of April 3rd, is annoyed that it was not consulted in
the arrangement for a Commission of Enquiry which is being established to examine
the events of the February riots. The Chronicle report states: .
.TUC President, Mr. Richard Ishmael yesterday said, 'The trade unions were involved in certain aspects of
the events. And they ought at least to have had a say in settling the terms of reference. To ask Dr. Jagan to
settle the terms is like asking two boxers to referee their own bout.’ Some folk regard the settling of the
terms as a breach of natural rights. There could he no doubt that there were several serious charges against
Dr. Jagan, his Government, and his PPP. How, then, could an accused person be conceded the right to
dictate the nature and substance of the charges against himself?”
This, then, is the type of twisting and malicious allegations which continue to be made. Can anyone in their
right senses expect a broader term of reference than . "TO ENQUIRE INTO THE RECENT DISTURBANCES IN
BRITISH GUIANA AND THE EVENTS LEADING UP TO THEM AND TO REPORT THEREON.?
Dr. Jagan is not selecting the members of the Commission of Enquiry. The British Government is selecting
the members. How then are arrangements in favour of the Government?
The Chronicle suggests that the wording of the terms of reference is not broad enough. Can the
Commission do more than enquire into the events of the disturbances and the events leading up
to these disturbances? As far as some are concerned, nothing can please them, and they look for any stupid excuse to
bleat. There is just one little fact that all seem to forget and that is that Dr. Jagan's party won at the elections and that
the Premier has been chosen to govern. The process of governing includes a number of functions, one of them being
the making of decisions.
One can only wonder at the objections now being raised to the Commission. Is it that those who were so
much involved in the events of February 16, knowing their guilt, are already trying to lay the way for protesting
against what might come out in the wash when their part is exposed?

142
(Thunder, 26 May 1962)
6. THE COMMISSION OF ENQUIRY
We welcome the arrival of the Commission of Enquiry appointed by the British Government to enquire
into the recent disturbances. Although the People's Progressive Party objects to any attempt to use the Enquiry to
delay the holding of independence discussions in London, this in no way affects our conviction that such an enquiry
is necessary in order to clear the air of the suspicions, rumours and threats that have become so prevalent of late.
The terms of reference of the Commission are very wide. They are directed to . "enquire into the recent
disturbance in British Guiana and the events leading up to them and to report thereon."
In order for the members of the Commission to arrive at proper conclusions it is absolutely necessary that
those persons who are in a position to give evidence concerning the cause, nature and effect of the recent
disturbance should come forward and do so.
Many who have lost their life’s savings and could give valuable evidence might be afraid to do so. While
this can be understood with sympathy, it is not the answer to the problem facing the country now. For unless those
responsible for the violence and bloodshed are exposed and brought to justice there will be no end to fear.
The Commission is empowered to compel the attendance of witnesses. For the good of this country, for its
future, it is imperative that the truth must be given to the Commission of Enquiry. If people who have information
refuse to give this information out of tear, they must face up to the realisation that they must then assume full
responsibility for the results of their action, or lack of action.

143
(Thunder, 13 October 1962)
Editorial:
7. PPP VINDICATED
The release of the Wynn Parry report has been used, as one might expect, by the Chronicle and the Evening
Post to suit their own ends. They have headlined and printed sections which do not give the true substance of the
report, and have deliberately refrained from publishing the sections which expose them for what they are.
Nevertheless, the substance of the report cannot be hidden, and the main sections of the report vindicate the
PPP and condemn the other parties.
While the report does not admit a deliberate plot, the main facts in the report give the thinking person
sufficient evidence that there was a plot and that the two opposition parties, supported by trade unions and business
interests, tried their utmost to bring down the government by planned violence.
The report must come as a great disappointment to many politicians and groups. The efforts of the two
opposition parties to call for proportional representation, implied but not stated . on the basis of minority racial
groups . has been smashed to pieces. The report rightly clarifies the fact that racism in BG is not deep-rooted and
that, in fact, the PNC has been responsible for encouraging it. Paragraph 50 stated . "The political professions of
the PNC were somewhat vague and amorphous. There was a tendency to give a racial tinge to its policy;" and
referring to Mr. Burnham's
accusation about a murder of an African supporter of the PNC at Port Mourant, they stated . .We do not however
think that there is much substance in the contention of Mr. Burnham and it seems to us that whatever racial
differences existed were brought about by political propaganda. These differences do not go very deep and it is to be
remarked that there are two African Ministers in Dr. Jagan's cabinet." (Actually, three Africans, one coloured and
one mixed.)
This clearly weakens the case for a Cyprus-type constitution and for the contention of the opposition that
the so-called minority interests require special representation.
The Trades Union Council now stands before the bar of public opinion, having been unequivocally charged
with political motivations of the lowest type. The only self respecting move they can now make is to remove this
charge by cleaning up their leadership. Certainly they have disappointed their international patrons who must now
feel that money has been poured into a very poor venture, which has only brought discredit.
The Chamber of Commerce, in their praise for Mr. Luckhoo's advocacy of their cause before the
Commission stated that they were grateful for the outstanding service he had rendered, "the commercial community
at the hearings, and that they were certain of the outcome." One can only wonder how they feel now, after the
Commission has recorded in rather harsh terms their activities during the disturbances.
One important result of the Commission's enquiry is the fact that the security arrangements were obviously
faulty. And this, more than anything else stresses the need for a fully independent Guyana, where the elected
government can have complete control in order to ensure the safety and security of the people. Much of the
unfortunate occurrences of February 16th would have been avoided if duality of control of security had not existed.

140
Thus, it is imperative that the long awaited talks for independence which take place in little over a week are
completely successful.
Let us hope that all those concerned in the preparation of the country for its independence will think in
terms of the future of the country and not in terms of their own personal ambitions. Statesmanship and patriotism
must be the keynote.

141
(Thunder, 20 October 1962)
8. REVIEW OF REPORT BY COMMISSION OF INQUIRY
By Vernon Persaud Bhairam
The report by the Commission of Inquiry published in London was received more or less with coldness by
the British press. Apart from the Times, which gave it a place in its editorial, the only other papers which mentioned
the report in a few lines, were the Daily Express and the Telegraph. This is in great contrast to their explosive
headlines when the riot was first reported to the British public. The reason of course was that there was nothing in
the report by which they could, in the usual way, attack and discredit the Government and therefore Dr. Jagan.
The Times states . and by the way the Times is no friend of the Government . that the report "is eminently
fair." If, therefore, we take this statement as a true assessment of the report, then we must conclude that the riots
were caused by the "political rivalries and jealousies which ideally found expression in the criminal acts of a few
groups of hooligans."
By political rivalries the Commission is referring to the PNC and United Force led respectively by Mr.
Burnham and Peter D'Aguiar, who "had fostered antagonism towards Dr. Jagan and the PPP, through the failures of
their ambitions and realisation that there was no future for them", once the present Government existed.
The report commends Dr. Jagan far his energy and honesty of purpose and acknowledges his protestations
that he is not a Communist.
Blameless
From an objective perusal of the report it would appear that the Government, as a political entity, was quite
blameless for the series of events leading to the obnoxious occurrences of Black Friday. If blame is to bc laid on
Government, it must be laid, not on the political activity, but on the economic measures which it introduced to halt
an economic landslide . a landslide which would
have strangulated the country and left it in a quite perilous position. But even so, the economic measures introduced
did not cause the revolt . they only acted as a match to light a fuse which had its being in the political manoeuvres
of the opposition parties.
But since the Government's economic measures have been mentioned in the report, let us take some time
off to discuss it in detail. What were the motives behind the Government's economic policy? The precise answer was
the political and economic blockade put on the Government by the
United Kingdom, the United States and a notorious clique of Guianese traitors who "were activated by personal
motives rather than ideological differences."
New Devices
Since the suspension of the constitution in 1953, the United Kingdom Government has tried
all known, novel and modified tricks to deprive the PPP from power. But every time they invented new devices .
whether by jerrymandering boundaries, intimidating the Government to join the West Indies Federation or by
boycotting the development policy of the Government by withholding
or denying loans for expansion . their plans were always frustrated by the will of the people.

142
Dr. Jagan and his Government has been pointing out since the "rump Interim Government" of 1953
assumed office, the fallacy and consequences of their expenditure and development plan programme. Today, as a
result of their notorious spending, and inadequate planning, a debt of $22
million is saddled on the economy. Added to this, the white collar workers were clamouring for a
rise of $32 million which the Government agreed to pay. And to complicate the picture $172 million had to be found
for expenditures "which were long overdue."
From 1954-1957 the cost of living index jumped 23 points and by 1961 the Guillebaud Commission had
observed that the cost of living had increased by 10 percent since 1954. Because of this headstrong inflation in BG,
the British Government's loan of $110 million in 1958 was automatically reduced in 1961 to less than $100 million.
Yet in spite of this, the BG Government had to pay interest at the rate of 6 percent on the original amount of $110
million, and incur expenditure for the servicing of a loan which had lost about one-tenth of its monetary value.
No Loans
With growing unemployment over 18 percent, and 9 percent underemployed, increase in population, no
proper communications and inadequate funds, the Government first sought recourse to solve their problems by
pleading to the United Kingdom, United States, World Bank, Canada, France, West Germany and Italy for loans.
But in all this their efforts were in vain.
But when the Swiss Bank and Dr. Fidel Castro agreed to provide loans, the British Government declined to
entertain the efforts on the shameful pretext that, "it was against their policy to guarantee such loans.”
Further problems beset the Government when the propertied and commercial classes began a drain on the
already "extremely small and wholly inadequate resources of the country by a substantial transference of their
capital" elsewhere.
The Government, faced with the above narrative, had to employ the only means at its disposal to save the
country and this took the form of stringent currency regulations to prohibit the export of liquid assets from the
country.
The Budget followed and this gave food to the opposition parties and other disparate forces to bring a
showdown on the Government, and this eventually culminated in the February riots.
Praise for Policy

It is to be noted here that the Government had won immediate praise from international quarters
for its courageous proposals . from among others, they include the London and New York Times and Sir
Jock Campbell of Bookers Bros. And according to the Commission "the active hostility and the virulent
propaganda which the budget provoked cannot be attributed to an objective consideration of the new tax."
Since, therefore, it was not the budget which should have caused the events of Black Friday, who then
should the blame be attributed to? Surely it is the work of principal characters, Burnham and D'Aguiar. The
people of British Guiana must take very seriously the already assumed and now confirmed view which was
expressed by the Commission of these respective leaders.
To take Burnham first, his motive for power was not in the interest of the people but "a desire to
assert himself in public life and establish a more important and more rewarding position for himself". In
other words, an entirely selfish attitude.
Callous
Burnham was prepared to expand his scale of operations even at the peril of his own people.
According to the Commission, he even refused the modest request of the Governor to appeal to the
crowds to desist from violence on the flimsiest and barefaced excuse, that he was "short of fuel". His
reaction to all that was taking place at the height of the crisis is recorded as, "callous and remorseless."
Even before the outburst of Black Friday, it appears that Burnham was prepared that the people
should engage in violence, for although he states that the PNC will not start violence, he punctuated the
following statement thus: violence "shall not pass." This statement was pregnant with
suggestions and as the Commission remarked, "there was an ominous foreboding in the promise of that
statement". It came to pass.
As for D'Aguiar, his politics were free from "personal motives”. His effective control of
the Chronicle with a "transparent editor", a mere "supine hireling", was clear.
D'Aguiar seized every opportunity of attacking the Government and inciting the crowds. He was
so cowardly in his examination before the Commission that he tried to push the blame for what happened
on the public for as he said, .it was not he who led the crowd”.
The Commission pointed out that the rumour that a child had died caused .a sudden upsurge of
anger” which led to the events of Black Friday. This piece of information was given by D'Aguiar. .We are
inclined to take the view,” said the Commission, .that D'Aguiar did not exercise any restraint upon himself
and that he in fact announced the death of the child to the crowd and not its mere illness.”
About D'Aguiar the Commission said .whenever an opportunity offered itself he took advantage
of it in order to further his own objects”. All that D'Aguiar could think of at the height of the crisis .was to
ask the Governor to give protection to his wife and family”.
I leave you my fellow Guianese to draw the obvious implications of this sad statement.
In concluding this review of the report, one further point must be mentioned. Earlier during the
year when the news of the riot was being so excitedly bandied around in London, the general conclusion of
both press and radio seem to be that BG was faced with a social problem the magnitude of which could
lead to imminent social revolution and racial Balkanisation of the territory. It is rewarding to see that the
Commission thinks otherwise. We have lived peacefully in
the past. We are going to do so in the future and no further propaganda to the contrary must ever be
considered by our people.

2
(
Thunder, 3 March 1962)
9. PYO REFUTES UF CHARGES
At a Press Conference on February 24, the Progressive Youth Organisation
refuted charges against it by that fascist political party the United Force that its members
were responsible for the setting of fire to business places and looting during Guiana's
recent crisis.
The press conference which was taken by Senator Claude Christian, Chairman,
Neville Annibourne, General Secretary and Moses Bhagwan, M.L.A. and Executive
member, emphatically denied these charges and declared:
"When Mr. D'Aguiar and the United Force attack us and defend the behaviour of
their mobs, it is certainly not an expression of sympathy for the working people."
Following is the release:
In a, leaflet printed by the Daily Chronicle we presume for the United Force, two
questions – “Why did members of the PYO stone the Electric Company?” and “Why
were members seen in the vicinity of every deliberately set fire?” are asked. You will
observe that these questions make the impossible assumption that the Progressive Youth
Organisation is involved in a conspiracy of outrageous crimes perpetrated in the city
during the last few days.
VIOLENCE
At a press conference on Tuesday, February 20, Peter D'Aguiar, leader of the
United Force stated, and we quote from the Daily Chronicle – “he knew for a fact the
Progressive Youth Organisation . . . . get into the act and was seen in places to be taking
part in the looting and throwing of stones to encourage violence.”
The Progressive Youth Organisation takes this opportunity to refute these
fantastic accusations – accusations which are easily refutable by the mass of open
evidence available and to express its profound horror and disgust at the fact that the
United Force and its leader Peter D'Aguiar, could both with such facility, dare and offend
the Guianese public with these wild and hysterical charges.
HYPOCRISY
The hypocritical criminality of the United Force, in attempting to envelope the
obvious innocence of the PYO with someone else's guilt, can compare in degree only
with its first crime of setting frenzied mobs on people and property.
How docile does the United Force think the Guianese public is that it can make
the amazing allegation that PYO members were stoning the Electricity Plant. The
disruption of the essential services, in particular electricity was the final step to
irretrievable chaos and the key to the realisation of the objective of the United Force, the
resignation of the PPP Government or the suspension of the Constitution.
MOBS

3
That is why the mobs on Friday morning, February 16th attempted to storm their
way through to the power plant to force a shutdown -- a method extensively employed in
many enterprises that did not “co-operate” with the United Force.
Important to note that this plant maintains operations mainly through the
dedication and courage of workers loyal to the Government, the Chairman of the
Electricity Corporation, Mr. M. Yassin who is also a leading member of the PPP, and
through many members of the PPP Women's Section who served meals to the workers.
AFFRONTRY
In face of these facts, and vital necessity of the operation of the plant to
Government, the United Force has the affrontry to charge PYO members with stoning the
power plant.
The leaflet's other ridiculous assumption that PYO members were seen in the
vicinity of fires is easily debunked by asking – “how then were they not slaughtered by
the angry mob?" -- when for example the stores of PPP supporters were being razed to
the ground; when for another example Mr. Joseph Jardim at about the time Freedom
House was being attacked and fires set to many stores, was fleeing through back
windows of his house for his life, while insanely enraged UF led mobs were breaking
through his store looting and attempting to set fires; when, for yet another example cars
and the persons of PPP supporters were attacked in the streets.
BAREFACED LYING
But is Mr. D'Aguiar himself who takes the cake for brazen, barefaced lying, when
he claims for a fact he knows PYO members were in the riots."
In the interests of justice Mr. D'Aguiar should make a special effort to help the
Police to identify these PYO members who were seen in the vicinity of the fires.
What simply Mr. Peter D'Aguiar and his fascist Party endeavours to do is to
employ their whole propaganda outfit to affix guilt for the violence, fires and looting very
far away from their own direction.
TIGHT SITUATION
Mr. D'Aguia