oraclesyndicate.twoday.net/stories/2585325/
Montag, 28. August 2006
A Meta-Group Managing Drugs, Violence, and the State
History and the Political Requirements of the Global
Drug Traffic /
Part I
Peter Dale Scott - In this serie I wish to explore
three important propositions concerning the global
drug traffic. The first is that the highly integrated
drug traffic industry, in addition to serving the
political ends of world powers, has its own political
as well as economic needs. It requires that in major
growing areas there must be limited state control, a
condition most easily reached by fostering regional
rebellion and warfare, often fought by its own private
armies. This is the on-going situation of designed
violence in every major growing area, from Lebanon to
Myanmar, Colombia to Afghanistan.
Once drug armies themselves were powerful enough to
neutralize the imposition of state authority. But
today there are increasing signs that those at the
highest level of the drug traffic will plot with the
leaders of major states to ensure, or even to stage,
violence that serves the power of the state and the
industry alike.
Drugs, Oil, and War: The United States in Afghanistan,
Colombia, and Indochina, explores the underlying
factors that have engendered a U.S. strategy of
indirect intervention in Third World countries through
alliances with drug-trafficking proxies.
Thanks to extensive research in Russia, we now have
initial evidence of a second proposition: There exists
on the global level a drug meta-group, able to
manipulate the resources of the drug traffic for its
own political and business ends, without being at risk
for actual trafficking. These ends include the
creation of designed violence to serve the purposes of
cabals in political power – most conspicuously in the
case of the Yeltsin “family” in the Kremlin, but
allegedly, according to Russian sources, also for
those currently in power in the United States.
Evidence for this consists in a meeting which took
place in July 1999 near Nice, at the villa in Beaulieu
of Adnan Khashoggi, once called “the richest man in
the world.” Those at the meeting included a member of
the Yeltsin cabal in the Kremlin and four
representatives from the meta-group, with passports
from Venezuela, Turkey, United Arab Emirates and
Germany.
The representatives are mostly veterans of Russian
military intelligence (GRU) in Afghanistan. Between
them they allegedly enjoyed excellent relations with:
1) Ayman al-Zawahiri, the acknowledged mastermind of
9/11 and mentor to Osama bin Laden.
2) Soviet and Cuban military intelligence.
3) FARC, the Colombian revolutionary group
increasingly involved in drug trafficking.
4) the Kosovo Liberation Army, a similarly involved
group.
5) a Turkish backer of the drug-trafficking IMU in
Uzbekistan
6) (according to a Russian source) Saudi intelligence
and the CIA.
The third proposition is that a meta-group of this
scale does not just help government agencies make
history. I hope to show that it, like its
predecessors, has the power to manage both violence
and state behavior, and thus make history to its own
agenda.
As an example of drug-motivated history-making, I
shall discuss the sudden occupation in 1999 of
Pristina Airport in Kosovo, by the Russian Army. This
appears to have consolidated a drug route through
Uzbekistan and Chechnya, three countries to which the
meta-group was connected.
Footnotes
1: For corroborations that the Russian military has
been trafficking Afghan heroin since the early 1990s,
see Igor Khokhlov.
Peter Dale Scott, a former Canadian diplomat and
English Professor at the University of California,
Berkeley, is a poet, writer, and researcher.
sfux - 28. Aug, 08:02
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